Never pass up a chance to sit down or relieve yourself. -old Apache saying

Monday, June 15, 2020

Texas Rangers

As long as we are pulling down offensive statues, how about a closer look at the Texas Rangers, that bold band of bigots, racists, murderers and thieves. Perhaps their statues should also come down?

The True Story of the Texas Rangers

by Douglas Brinkley

CULT OF GLORY
The Bold and Brutal History of the Texas Rangers
By Doug J. Swanson

Larry McMurtry’s epic “Lonesome Dove,” about a great cattle drive from Texas to Montana in the 1870s, deservedly won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction in 1986. The novel’s protagonists were Woodrow Call and Augustus McCrae, former Texas Rangers who embodied the mythic cowboy traits of being loyal and fierce fighters. Occasionally McMurtry presented Call and McCrae as having bouts of laziness and unethical behavior, but for the most part, by humanizing them, he rebranded the fabled Rangers as courageous frontiersmen for the ages.

You won’t find such admirable Rangers in Doug J. Swanson’s smashup of Texas’ law enforcement legends. In “Cult of Glory,” Swanson, a former Dallas Morning News reporter, now a journalism professor at the University of Pittsburgh, scorches the reputations of such legendary Rangers as Ben McCulloch and William “Bigfoot” Wallace for massacring Native Americans and Mexicans willy-nilly. Debunking Rangers lore as sold in movies, television shows, museum exhibitions and novels is the crux of Swanson’s revisionist mission.

Though well-written, “Cult of Glory” isn’t a book for the fainthearted. Swanson, a prodigious researcher, recounts how in their nearly 200-year “attention-grubbing” history Rangers burned peasant villages, slaughtered innocents, busted unions and committed war crimes. They were as feared on the United States-Mexico border as the Ku Klux Klan was in the Deep South. “They hunted runaway slaves for bounty,” he writes. “They violated international laws with impunity. They sometimes moved through Texas towns like a rampaging gang of thugs.”

In 1823 the Rangers were created by Stephen Austin, the “father” of Anglo Texas. Settlers had moved into East Texas and improvised their own rules with scant regard for Native American inhabitants. The Rangers’ job was to patrol settlements and eradicate the nuisance of Cherokee, Tawakoni, Tonkawas and Caddos, whose land they were appropriating. “It soon became an article of faith among many newly arrived Texians, as they called themselves, that all Indians were thieves,” Swanson writes. “Mere suspicioned intent could be punishable by death.”

Swanson portrays the 19th-century Rangers as a paramilitary squad, proudly waving the banner of white supremacy. Nevertheless, he also dutifully recounts the bravery of the scouts John “Coffee” Hays and Sam Walker during the Mexican-American War in protecting American supply trains from attacks by Mexican guerrillas. When Walker joined the Rangers in the 1840s, he brought with him a practical revolver, designed by Samuel Colt, which became a battlefield game changer. Even if Rangers were outnumbered by Comanche or Mexican forces, they won bloody skirmishes courtesy of their repeating pistols.

Ranger atrocities against women and children during the Mexican-American War are horribly abundant in “Cult of Glory,” though the United States Army soldiers stationed in Texas at the time were repulsed by such gleeful bloodlust. “About all of the Texans,” Second Lt. Ulysses S. Grant wrote his fiancĂ©e, “seem to think it perfectly right to impose upon the people of a conquered city to any extent, and even to murder them where the act can be covered by the dark.” Likewise, Maj. Gen. Zachary Taylor complained about psychotic Rangers who committed an “atrocious massacre.”

When the Civil War erupted in 1861, the Rangers sided with the Confederates. John “Rip” Ford, a seasoned Ranger fighter, boasted throughout Texas that slavery was ordained by the Lord Almighty. The Rangers’ horrific treatment of African-Americans after the war equaled that in Mississippi and Georgia. Between 1865 and 1930 there were 450 lynchings in Texas, mostly of blacks, which the Rangers ignored. “White citizens in many cases treated them as public entertainment — spontaneous and gruesome versions of the county fair,” Swanson writes. “Vendors circulated through the mobs with refreshments. Photographs of corpses hanging from nooses were sold, and mailed, as picture postcards.”

In graphic detail Swanson recounts the 1893 murder of the African-American Henry Smith, of Paris, Texas. Charged with murdering a girl, Smith was seized from jail and tossed into the public square. Thousands of spectators cheered as the father and brother of the victim tortured Smith with red-hot irons. “They started with his feet, worked their way up to his face and plunged the irons into his eyes, after which they tossed him onto a pile of burning wood for a live cremation,” Swanson writes. “Smith writhed and screamed in the initial moments on the pyre.” The Rangers refused to investigate the mob killing.

Given this history, Swanson is understandably irked that both the Dallas Airport and a billboard along I-35 for the Texas Ranger Hall of Fame and Museum in Waco feature the words “One Riot, One Ranger.” The phrase refers to a comment allegedly made by Bill McDonald of the Rangers when he had shown up to quell a mob. An incredulous local asked why he was alone. McDonald is said to have responded, “You only have one riot, don’t you?”

Contrary to McDonald’s defiant motto, when the police in the railroad town of Sherman arrested George Hughes, a black farmworker, for sexually assaulting a white woman, the town erupted. The Ranger Frank Hamer — who became famous for leading the ambush that killed Bonnie and Clyde in Louisiana — retreated from Sherman as angry white citizens hanged Hughes on a cottonwood tree. “One man with a knife severed Hughes’s penis and stuffed it in the dead man’s mouth,” Swanson writes. “Some from the crowd piled boxes beneath the body and started a bonfire. The body of Hughes was roasted.”

The Texas Rangers became a national phenomenon when Zane Grey, the Ohio dentist who wrote western pulp novels, published “The Lone Star Ranger” in 1914. This became the basis for movies in 1919, 1923 (starring Tom Mix) and 1930. Reporters started tracking down old-time Rangers from the Indian War days and celebrated their manly virtues, warping history in favor of white male superiority. Lyndon B. Johnson, for one, loved to quote the motto attributed to Capt. Leander McNelly: “Courage is a man who keeps on coming on.” (Belief in this macho Ranger aphorism may have been one reason Johnson refused to extract American troops from Vietnam in the late 1960s.)

During the Great Depression the Rangers made a terrible political choice and backed the incumbent governor Ross Sterling against Miriam “Ma” Ferguson. After Ferguson won, she fired every Ranger on the force, and formed a new Ranger class from scratch. But the Ranger persona was catapulted to fame once again in 1949 with the “Lone Ranger” television show. (It had begun as a radio program in 1933.) The popular series portrayed Rangers as honest lawmen out to protect the American way, and the image stuck. Ignored during the Cold War era were Ranger misdeeds like working to “keep black children out” of public schools, even though federal courts had mandated that Texas must integrate.

While Swanson ably deals with botched Rangers work like the 1980s investigation of the serial murderer Henry Lee Lucas, the most gripping drama of “Cult of Glory” is found in the early chapters. With the exception of their Stetson hats and cowboy boots, the 21st-century Rangers are merely an official state police force, tamed by scrutiny, Miranda warnings and civil rights suits. And the 160 or so Rangers still working the beat in Texas aren’t a whites-only club anymore. Instead of stabbing suspects with bowie knives, the often-deskbound Rangers, in recent years, are commonly assigned to investigate financial crimes and security fraud.

When the Texas Rangers baseball team was christened in the early 1970s, the likes of Sam Walker and Bigfoot Wallace were sanctified in Texas history just like the Alamo defenders. While Swanson has done a crucial public service by exposing the barbarous side of the Rangers, their Wild West escapades continue to be taught in Texas schools. “They’re still answering the call,” Swanson writes of the modern-day Rangers. “Still ready to ride to the rescue. Ready to chase robbers, lasso rustlers, punish killers and nab locker-room pickpockets. And to do it with the swagger — if not the abandon — of old."


Original in the NYT.


Thursday, June 4, 2020

Mattis finally speaks

It's about fucking time, but as the saying goes, "Better late than never." Within bounds, of course. With Trump, it is not too late. Yet. This appeared in the online edition of the Atlantic magazine.

James Mattis Denounces President Trump, Describes Him as a Threat to the Constitution

James Mattis, the esteemed Marine general who resigned as secretary of defense in December 2018 to protest Donald Trump’s Syria policy, has, ever since, kept studiously silent about Trump’s performance as president. But he has now broken his silence, writing an extraordinary broadside in which he denounces the president for dividing the nation, and accuses him of ordering the U.S. military to violate the constitutional rights of American citizens.

IN UNION THERE IS STRENGTH

I have watched this week’s unfolding events, angry and appalled. The words “Equal Justice Under Law” are carved in the pediment of the United States Supreme Court. This is precisely what protesters are rightly demanding. It is a wholesome and unifying demand—one that all of us should be able to get behind. We must not be distracted by a small number of lawbreakers. The protests are defined by tens of thousands of people of conscience who are insisting that we live up to our values—our values as people and our values as a nation.
When I joined the military, some 50 years ago, I swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution. Never did I dream that troops taking that same oath would be ordered under any circumstance to violate the Constitutional rights of their fellow citizens—much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief, with military leadership standing alongside.

We must reject any thinking of our cities as a “battlespace” that our uniformed military is called upon to “dominate.” At home, we should use our military only when requested to do so, on very rare occasions, by state governors. Militarizing our response, as we witnessed in Washington, D.C., sets up a conflict—a false conflict—between the military and civilian society. It erodes the moral ground that ensures a trusted bond between men and women in uniform and the society they are sworn to protect, and of which they themselves are a part. Keeping public order rests with civilian state and local leaders who best understand their communities and are answerable to them.
James Madison wrote in Federalist 14 that “America united with a handful of troops, or without a single soldier, exhibits a more forbidding posture to foreign ambition than America disunited, with a hundred thousand veterans ready for combat.” We do not need to militarize our response to protests. We need to unite around a common purpose. And it starts by guaranteeing that all of us are equal before the law.

Instructions given by the military departments to our troops before the Normandy invasion reminded soldiers that “The Nazi slogan for destroying us…was ‘Divide and Conquer.’ Our American answer is ‘In Union there is Strength.’” We must summon that unity to surmount this crisis—confident that we are better than our politics.
Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people—does not even pretend to try. Instead he tries to divide us. We are witnessing the consequences of three years of this deliberate effort. We are witnessing the consequences of three years without mature leadership. We can unite without him, drawing on the strengths inherent in our civil society. This will not be easy, as the past few days have shown, but we owe it to our fellow citizens; to past generations that bled to defend our promise; and to our children.

We can come through this trying time stronger, and with a renewed sense of purpose and respect for one another. The pandemic has shown us that it is not only our troops who are willing to offer the ultimate sacrifice for the safety of the community. Americans in hospitals, grocery stores, post offices, and elsewhere have put their lives on the line in order to serve their fellow citizens and their country. We know that we are better than the abuse of executive authority that we witnessed in Lafayette Square. We must reject and hold accountable those in office who would make a mockery of our Constitution. At the same time, we must remember Lincoln’s “better angels,” and listen to them, as we work to unite.
Only by adopting a new path—which means, in truth, returning to the original path of our founding ideals—will we again be a country admired and respected at home and abroad.